By Olivia C. Navarro-Farr, Michelle Rich
El Perú-Waka’ is an historic Maya urban positioned in present-day northwestern Petén, Guatemala. Rediscovered via petroleum exploration staff within the mid-1960s, it's the biggest identified archaeological website within the Laguna del Tigre nationwide Park in Guatemala’s Maya Biosphere Reserve. The El Perú-Waka’ nearby Archaeological undertaking initiated medical investigations in 2003, and during excavation and survey, researchers proven that Waka’ used to be a key political and financial middle good built-in into Classic-period lowland Maya civilization, and reconstructed many facets of Maya existence and formality job during this historic neighborhood. The study targeted during this quantity presents a wealth of latest, significant, and scientifically excavated facts, which individuals procedure with clean theoretical insights. within the method, they lay out sound thoughts for figuring out the ritual manipulation of monuments, landscapes, structures, gadgets, and thoughts, in addition to similar issues encompassing the functionality and negotiation of energy during the city’s huge sociopolitical history.
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Additional resources for Archaeology at El Perú-Waka’: Ancient Maya Performances of Ritual, Memory, and Power
L. Arroyave Prera, courtesy of the El Perú-Waka’ Regional Archaeological Project. A Palimpsest Effect 37 indicate M13-1 likely held great ceremonial and politico-religious significance for generations of Waka’s inhabitants. For the ancient Maya, shrine structures like M13-1 were considered to be central features of their built landscape and, as such, were often repositories of sacred memory and intangible Ch’ulel, or energy. This word is translated by some scholars as “soul force” (Freidel and Schele 1989; Freidel et al.
This is because Stelae 33 and 34, depicting these rulers on the next Period Ending, were set on the north side of the same building. Stelae 33 and 34 were in exceptionally good condition when looters sawed them up for removal and sale, ultimately to museums in the United States (Freidel and Rich 2012). This suggests that they had not been broken up as in the case of Stelae 11 and 12, and were in their original location. If this chain of inference holds up, and we still have opportunities to test it in the field, then Stelae 11 and 12 served much the same function in fragments that they did originally, to commemorate the rulers in relationship to a building important to their reigns and ritual performances in the center.
We suggest that greater attention to the lived history of Late-to-Terminal Classic Maya society in dimensions other than its precipitous and calamitous decline will permit thinking beyond reverence versus desecration in ritual terminations, while shifting focus toward consideration of how people at large centers may have been attempting to cope with change and crisis. We argue a principal way elite and nonelite Maya coped with this change was through the continued ritual manipulation of sacred material objects.
Archaeology at El Perú-Waka’: Ancient Maya Performances of Ritual, Memory, and Power by Olivia C. Navarro-Farr, Michelle Rich